Sections 22-23: Government, Union; General State of Ireland

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SECTION XXII.

Government—Union.

THERE never was a juster idea than that which I had occasion in another section to quote, that the revolution did not extend to Ireland; the case of the hereditary revenue was a remarkable instance, but the whole government of that island is one collective proof of it. The revolution was a moment in which all the forms of government were broken through in order to assert the spirit of liberty, but Ireland lost that opportunity; meeting security against the roman catholics in the victorious arms of king William, she rested satisfied with a government which secured her against the immediate enemy. It is certainly more a government of prerogative than that of England, and the law of the empire, the common law of the land is in favour of that prerogative; hence the absurdity of proving the rights of Ireland in the details of common law. Ireland from distance and backwardness lost those fortuitous opportunities which proved so important to the liberty of England; she could not claim the letter of the revolution, but she could have claimed the spirit of it.

THE contribution of that territory to the general wants of the empire is in two shapes. 1. By the pension list. 2. By the military establishment. The great liberal line for that kingdom to pursue, is to examine not only the present amount of these articles, but what might be a fair estimate for the future. To come openly to the English government with an offer of an equal revenue applicable to whatever purposes government should find most beneficial for the interest of the whole empire; with this necessary condition that the military should be absolutely in the power of the crown to remove and employ wherever it pleased. To think of tying down the crown, to keeping troops in any spot, is an absurdity. Government can alone be the judge where troops are most wanting; it has an unlimited power in this respect in England, and it ought to have the same in Ireland: the good of the empire demands it. It is the fleet of England that has proved, and must prove the real defence of Ireland, and that island should take its chance of defence in common with England. At the same time any apprehensions, that they would be left without troops, would be absurd; since it would be the king's interest to keep a great body of forces there, for several reasons; among others, the cheapness of provisions, which would render their subsistence comparatively easy; also, barracks being built all over the kingdom: another point which would induce him, is the assistance their circulation would be of to the kingdom, whereas in England they would be a burthen. But the point might as well be given up chearfully, as to have it carried by a majority in parliament. Pensions have been always on the increase and will be so; and as to the troops, government carries its point at present, and ought to do so, why not therefore give it up for a valuable consideration? As these things are managed now, government is forced to buy, at a great expence, the concurrence of an Irish parliament to what is really necessary; would it not be more for the public interest to have a fixed permanent plan, than the present illiberal and injurious system? The military list of Ireland, on an average of the last seven years, has amounted to £528,544 to which add £80,000 pensions, and the total makes £608,544. Would it not be wise in Ireland to say to the British government—

I will pay you a neat seven or eight hundred thousand pounds¹ a year, applicable to your annual supplies, or paying off your debt, and leave the defence of the kingdom entirely to your own discretion, on condition that I shall never have any military charge or pensions laid on me; the remainder of the revenue to be at the application of my own parliament, for the uses of interior government only, and for the encouragement of the trade, manufactures and agriculture of the kingdom. That you shall give me a specified freedom of commerce, and come to a liberal explanation of the powers of your attorney general, the privy council, and Poyning's act.

It would be the best bargain that Ireland ever made.

IF the government was once placed on such a footing, the office of lord lieutenant would be that of a liberal representative of majesty, without any of those disagreeable consequences which flow from difficulties essentially necessary for him to overcome; and the government of England having in Ireland no views, but the prosperity of that kingdom, would necessarily be revered by all ranks of people. The parliament of the kingdom would still retain both importance and business, for all that at present comes before it would then be within its province, except the military, and complaints of pension lists and restricted commerce. Perhaps the advantages of a union would be enjoyed without its inconveniencies, for the parliament would remain for the civil protection of the kingdom, and the British legislature would not be deluged by an addition of Irish peers and commoners, one reason among others, which made the late earl of Chatham repeatedly declare himself against such a measure.²

THE great object of a union is a free trade, which appears to be of as much importance to England as to Ireland; if this was gained the uses of an entire coalition would not be numerous to Ireland; and to England the certain revenue, without the necessity of buying majorities in parliament, would be a great object. But as to the objections to a union, common in Ireland, I cannot see their propriety; I have heard but three that have even the appearance of weight; these are: 1. The increase of absentees. 2. The want of a parliament for protection against the officers of the crown. 3. The increase of taxation. To the first and last, supposing they followed, and were admitted evils, the question is, whether a free trade would not more than balance them; they imply the impoverishment of the kingdom, and were objected in Scotland against that union which has taken place; but the fact has been directly otherwise, and Scotland has been continually on the increase of wealth ever since: nay, Edinburgh itself, which was naturally expected most to suffer, seems to have gained as much as any other part of the kingdom. Nor can I upon any principles think, a nation is losing, who exchanges the residence of a set of idle country gentlemen, for a numerous race of industrious farmers, manufacturers, merchants, and sailors. But the fact in the first objection does not seem well founded; I cannot see any inevitable necessity for absentees increasing; a family might reside the winter at London without becoming absentees; and frequent journies to England, where every branch of industry and useful knowledge are in such perfection, could not fail to enlarge the views and cure the prejudices which obstruct the improvement of Ireland. As to taxation, it ought to be considered as a circumstance that always did, and always will follow prosperity and wealth. Savages pay no taxes, but those who are hourly increasing in the conveniencies, luxuries, and enjoyments of life, do not by any means find taxes such a burthen as to make them wish for poverty and barbarity in order to avoid taxation. In respect to the second objection, it seems to bear nearly as strong in the case of Scotland, and yet the evil has had no existence, the four courts at Dublin would of course remain, nor do I see at present any great protection resulting to individuals from a parliament, which the law of the land does not give; it seems therefore to be an apprehension not very well founded. So much in answer to objections; not by way of proving that an entire union is absolutely necessary, as without such a measure Ireland might certainly have great commercial freedom, and pay for it to the satisfaction of England.

SECTION XXIII.

General State of Ireland.

IT may not be disadvantageous to a clear idea of the subject at large, to draw into one view the material facts dispersed in the preceding enquiry, which throw a light on the general state of the kingdom, and to add one or two others, which did not properly come in under any of the former heads, that we may be able to have a distinct notion of that degree of prosperity which appears to have been, of late years, the inheritance of her rising industry.

BUILDINGS.

THESE improving, or falling into decay, are unerring signs of a nation's increasing grandeur or declension: the minutes of the journey, as well as observations already made, shew, that Ireland has been absolutely new built within these twenty years, and in a manner far superior to any thing that was seen in it before; it is a fact universal over the whole kingdom; cities, towns, and country seats; but the present is the era for this improvement, there being now far more elegant seats rising than ever were known before.

ROADS.

THE roads of Ireland may be said all to have originated from Mr. French's presentment bill, and are now in a state that do honour to the kingdom; there has been probably expended in consequence of that bill, considerably above a million sterling.

TOWNS.

THE towns of Ireland have very much increased in the last twenty years; all public registers prove this, and it is a strong mark of rising prosperity. Towns are markets which enrich and cultivate the country, and can therefore never depopulate it, as some visionary theorists have pretended. The country is always the most populous within the sphere of great cities, if I may use the expression, and the increased cultivation of the remotest corners, shew that this sphere extends like the circulating undulations of water until they reach the most distant shores. Besides towns can only increase from an increase of manufactures, commerce, and luxury; all three are other words for riches and employment, and these again for a general increase of people.

RISE of RENTS.

THE minutes of the journey shew, that the rents of land have at least doubled in twenty-five years, which is a most unerring proof of a great prosperity. The rise of rents proves a variety of circumstances all favourable; that there is more capital to cultivate land; that there is a greater demand for the products of the earth, and consequently a higher price; that towns thrive, and are therefore able to pay higher prices; that manufactures and foreign commerce increase; the variations of the rent of land, from the boundless and fertile plains of the Mississippi, where it yields none, to the province of Holland, where every foot is valuable, shews the gradations of wealth, power and importance, between the one territory and the other. The present rental of Ireland amounts probably to six millions.

MANUFACTURES.

LINENS, the great fabric of the kingdom for exportation, have increased rapidly;

		£.		£.
The export from 1750 to 1756, in       value of cloth and yarn was,		904,479
Ditto from 1757 to 1763,	——	1,166,136
Increase,   —     —	—	—		261,657
From 1764 to 1770,	——	1,379,512
Increase,   —     —	—	—		213,376
From 1771 to 1777,	——	1,615,654
Increase,   —     —	—	—		236,142
From 1771 to 1777,	——	1,615,654
From 1750 to 1756,	——	904,470
Increase,   —     —	—	—		711,175
Thirty years since 1748 greater than 30       years before, by			}	810,548

COMMERCE.

TRADE in Ireland, in all its branches, has increased greatly in twenty-five years; this, has been a natural effect from the other articles of prosperity already enumerated.

		£.
The Irish exports to Great Britain, on an     average of 25 years before 1748, were,		438,665
Ditto on twenty-five years since   —		965,050
Increase,     —     —		526,385

THIS greatest article of her trade has therefore more than doubled.

		£.
Export to Great-Britain per annum for the     last seven years — —		1,240,677
The preceding seven years,   —		917,088
		323,569

THE greatest exports of Ireland, on an average of the last seven years, are,

		£.
Linen,		1,615,654
The product of oxen and cows,		1,218,902
Ditto of sheep,		200,413
Ditto of hogs,		150,631
Ditto of corn,		64,871
		3,250,471

Her total exports are probably three millions and a half. The balance of trade in her favour must be above a million.

CONSUMPTION.

A people always consume in proportion to their wealth, hence an increase in the one marks clearly that of the other. The following table will shew several of the principal articles of Irish consumption.

Average of 7 years, from 1764 to 1770.
Beer, ale, and porter, barrels, at 32 gallons,		34,726
Gallons of brandy,		625,726
Gallons of rum,		1,558,097
Muscovy sugar,		158,846
Pounds of tea,		471,576
Pounds of tobacco,		4,988,162
Tons of wine,		5,643
Average of 7 years, from 1771 to 1777.
Beer, ale, and porter, barrels, at 32 gallons,		56,102
Gallons of brandy,		289,679
Gallons of rum,		1,729,652
Muscovy sugar,		196,500
Pounds of tea,		875,472
Pounds of tobacco,		4,921,572
Tons of wine,		4,941

THE articles of beer, rum, and sugar, are greatly increased; tea quadrupled; wine having lessened, is certainly owing to the increased sobriety of the kingdom, which must have made a difference in the import. The imports of silks and woollen goods, given on a former occasion, spoke the same language of increased consumption.

SPECIE.

THE specie of Ireland, gold and silver, is calculated by the Dublin bankers at £1,600,000.

POPULATION.

THIS article, which in so many treatises is reckoned to be the only object worth attention, I put the last of all, not as being unimportant, but depending totally on the preceding articles. It is perfectly needless to speak of population, after shewing that agriculture is improved, manufactures and commerce increased, and the general appearance of the kingdom carrying the face of a rising prosperity; it follows inevitably from all this, that the people must have increased; and accordingly the information, from one end of the island to the other, confirmed it: but no country should wish for population in the first instance, let it flow from an increase of industry and employment, and it will be valuable; but population that, arises, supposing it possible, without it, would, instead of being valuable, prove useless, probably pernicious: population, therefore, singly taken, ought never to be an enquiry at all; there is not even any strength resulting from numbers without wealth, to arm, support, pay and discipline them. The hearth tax, in 1778, produced £61,646 which cannot indicate a less population, exceptions included, than three millions. The minutes of souls, per cabbin, at Castle Caldwell, Drumoland, and Kilfaine, gave 6 and 6½.

UPON the whole, we may safely determine, that judging by those appearances and circumstances, which have been generally agreed to mark the prosperity or declension of a country, that Ireland has since the year 1748 made as great advances as could possibly be expected, perhaps greater than any other country in Europe.

SINCE that period her linen exports have just TREBLED.

HER general exports to Great Britain more than DOUBLED. The rental of the kingdom doubled.

AND I may add, that her linen and general exports have increased proportionably. to this in the last seven years, consequently her wealth is at present on a like increase.

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¹ I have mentioned seven hundred thousand pounds, but the sum would depend of course on the liberality of the return, a free trade would be worth purchasing at a much higher rate.

² THE Earl of Shelburne has assured me of this fact; nor let me omit to add, that to that nobleman I am indebted for the outline of the preceding plan.

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